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The ford of Katiyyo (river) where the ritual is done

O, Lord, I take refuge in You

When the hard comes

And (I know) You admit me.

The ford of Katiyyo has high ground

And Lord has confirmed our safety.

My wet and lustrous stick

O God, You harm me not

By just considering

My (silly) sin.

The folk’s sin is hundred (immense)

But Lord objects to sin

O Lord, admonish us with mercy!

All of the previous works on Atete ritual knowingly or unknowingly undermined its socio-political role in the Oromo society by considering Atete as a simple neighborhood meeting of women, designed to discipline anti-social neighbors (Baxter, 1979). Captain Harris, one of the 19th century British travelers, defined Atete as goddess of fecundity appeased annually (see in Ahmed, 2002). As I very well know its practice in southern Oromia now, the timing of the festival is not fixed as such. Whenever natural disasters fall, women gather and perform the ritual. Without any fixed timing the Oromo women used to practice Atete as a way of strengthening their solidarity and as a tool to counter atrocities staged against them by men.

The Atete ritual shows that in the traditional Oromo society, men are functionally dependent on women in many ways (Legesse, 1973). It is a vivid indication of the place women had in the religious and cultural philosophy of the people. Although there is limited empirical evidence showing the closeness of women to nature (McCormack, 1980; Jackson, 1993), the Oromo people believe in the existence of woman/nature link (Legesse, 1973). The Atete practice by women is one part of a belief system that women are intermediary figures between Waaq that represents nature and the physical world or human.

The myth has it that Waaq listens to women’s desire and instantly responds to it. This is a part of the belief system that women are closer to nature in their nurturing and life-sustaining activities. My direct observation of the Atete ceremony among Arsi women in Kokosa, and related interview with oral historians in Adaba District of Bale Administrative Region from December 1994 to January 1995 partially confirmed this reality. In Kokosa and Adaba, women’s prayer was used in the past as a powerful means of terminating harsh ecological disruptions (e.g. crop failure, drought, endemic diseases) and other social crises such as protracted warfare. When such problems were detected, the men never puzzled over them, but urged the womenfolk in their core band to gather around a sacred Qiltu (sycamore tree), distinguished ford or high ground, or any renowned ujubaa (tree shrine). The women gathered and prayed to revert the affliction.

The following rainmaking Atete hymns of the Arsi Oromo women are said to win the benevolence of Waaq. The hymns also reveal the society’s awareness that Waaq’s wrath is provoked when people violate the normal, prescribed way of life. It is thus directed towards maintaining the welfare of the community.

Malkaa Katiyyoo ta irreesaa

Waan jabaatellee Goofta

Sitti dheessaa na dandeettaa.

Malkaa Katiyyoo irri goodaa

Homaa hin taatanii

Baatani jedhe Gooftaan.

Siinqee tiyya jiituu

Calaliituu

Safuu tiyya ilaaltee

Atuu ana hin miituu.

Uummata dillin dhibbaa

Rabbiyyoon dilii jibbaa

Gooftaa dila nuu dogi!

According to the legend, after the women have prayed, Waaq, in whose honor the prayer has been uttered, would immediately provide the community members with as much rain as they wanted. The significance of this mythology is that it demonstrates the leadership role of women in defense of the community. It also indicates the subtle interconnection between ayyaana (spirituality), uumaa (nature) and saffuu (ethical and moral code).

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